Ads on the Move: What Washington’s Metro Says About Who’s Being Targeted
Note: This article was written by Lindsay Teeven, Michelle Claros-Umana, and Sydney Wold for a group project. I can’t figure out how to add more authors.
The Washington, D.C. Metro is one of the busiest public transportation systems in the United States. In June 2025, the Washington Metropolitan Area Transit Authority (WMATA) reported that the average daily Metro ridership was 512,000 rides on weekdays, a 22% increase from previous counts. Riders from all walks of life across the DMV (DC, Maryland, Virginia) and the nation take the Metro, whether it’s a part of their daily commute or their family vacation, creating a diverse audience for advertisers.
Outfront Media, the marketing agency that manages all of WMATA’s advertising displays, offers a variety of packages to clients that span several different price points and mediums. From station domination (taking over all ad space in a Metro station), to electronic panel displays, to partial or complete Metro car wraps, there is no shortage of space.
However, some advertising choices have drawn scrutiny, especially from government defense contractors. In 2023, political researcher Brett Heinz raised concerns over government defense contractors advertising on the Metro, especially at stations frequented by federal workers. The Metro's Guidelines Governing Commercial Advertising prohibit content that could influence public policy, yet Heinz argued that defense ads aimed at federal employees were, “promoting their brands and hawking their products to the officials responsible for deciding whether or not to buy from them.” Since federal regulations and legislation influence the production, distribution, and existence of these defense contractors, this could clash with the Metro’s guidelines regarding public policy.
Heinz’s analysis focused on 11 Metro stations surrounding federal buildings, looking at the percent of ad space occupied by defense contractors and the language and imagery in the ads. The use of industry-specific references within these ads, alongside the increasing percentage of space these ads occupied, the closer he got to Capitol Hill and the Pentagon, are notable results from Heinz’s investigation.
But there is more to this story: Heinz didn’t account for the other 87 Metro stations. Defense contractors may have an interest in reaching clients where they live, as many federal employees commute from across the region. Heinz examined stations in Northwest DC and Virginia, but not Maryland. Maryland’s Department of Labor reports that 47,584 federal government employees live in Montgomery County, while 29,768 live in Prince George’s County.
Data from Outfront Media was required to fill in the gaps of research. Heinz was unable to retrieve data from Outfront Media about ads, nor information about what the process of purchasing ad space in specific stations entailed. Amelia Schroeder, the Office Coordinator at Outfront Media, provided a media kit and coverage map to help answer some questions.“We help clients create campaigns based on our knowledge of the DC demographics,” Schroeder explained. Government contractors typically prefer to advertise near the Pentagon, where retailers like to be near the city center.” Advertisers can pick audiences, groups of stations defined by demographics, and select ads that best reach them.
Prospective clients are sent this coverage map when selecting where they want to advertise. (Outfront Media)
To investigate the presence of defense contractors, four stations were randomly selected for data collection across all four audiences. The stations are shown below, categorized by audience. Every ad at these stations was photographed, then later sorted into categories based on industry: Lifestyle (food, retail, wellness, entertainment), Technology/Telecommunication, Finance/Insurance, Government/Public Services, Military/Defense, and Non-profit/Health advocacy. This was done to compare the presence of defense contractors to other advertisers.
All four audiences and 16 stations we collected data from. (Sydney Wold)
We were able to determine the type of ads distributed and the frequency of them through the results. Defense ads were minimal in most areas in comparison to what Heinz observed.
Lifestyle advertisements dominated a majority of the ad space overall. (Lindsay Teevan)
In Washington, D.C. (Audience A), many ads featured a mix of entertainment, financial, and technology. Including brands such as The Anthem, Capital One bank, and Leídos, which align with the concentration of federal offices and universities in the area. Stations like L’Enfant Plaza are where all these elements connect and are shown through the ads promoting concerts and tech, appealing to the young, urban professional audience.
Up north, the focus begins to shift into local services, serving a more suburban lifestyle. Montgomery County (Audience B) reflected a commuter-heavy, family-based demographic. While Mantech—a defense contractor—appeared at one station in the region, most ads targeted residents and commuters, not policymakers, indicating that advertisers in this region prioritize everyday consumers over defense messaging.
Prince George’s County (Audience C) in Maryland solely serves local and commuter-focused. Ads highlighted the Maryland Lottery, Maryland Department of Health, and DC Credit Union, demonstrating a focus on public service and accessibility. Technology ads were present, but there were no types of minerality or defense ads, indicating that advertising in Maryland targets residents only.
In Northern Virginia (Audience D), the region’s median household income is about $107,951 across stations like Franconia–Springfield, Courthouse, and West Falls Church. They all correlate with a mix of financial, health, and lifestyle ads. While Pentagon Station featured obvious defense-focused brands like Govini, the other stops were dominated by Virginia Lottery, Capital One, Smart Water, and Washington Spirit promotions. The data suggests that even in high-income, defense-adjacent areas, consumer and financial brands maintain a strong presence, limiting the reach of military messaging.
Across all 12 stations, financial and technology ads were the most consistent, followed by health and local events. Defense contractor ads were geographically concentrated near the Pentagon but sparse elsewhere, challenging the perception that Metro riders are surrounded by military marketing. Instead, the advertising mix mirrors each area’s demographics and median income, underscoring that WMATA’s ad landscape reflects its communities more than it does the defense industry.
Even when defense contractors advertise, their approach is distinct. Cricket Wireless ads portray vibrant colors and images of stylish young adults with their new Motorola Razrs. The City of Seattle shows off its expansive greenery while declaring it “Mother Nature’s City.”
Leídos ads feature purple-toned, vague depictions of children gazing out of windows and so many airplanes, with taglines about “making smart smarter” and “building the future.” Sentinel One ads were more striking, with a blue-toned image of the Statue of Liberty and a pitch about stopping “adversaries” with “AI-Powered defense” that complies with M-21-31.
M-21-31 is a memorandum from the US Office of Management and Budget that deals with improving the cybersecurity of event logging and data retention. This memorandum applies to a specific niche within federal agencies and cybersecurity government contractors. Even more notable is the illumination of the phrase “AI-Powered defense.” These messages are highly targeted, focusing on niche audiences rather than the general public.
Ultimately, the data suggested that while defense contractors are present in the Metro system, their reach is limited and localized. Across these 16 stations, the ads were predominantly from lifestyle brands, followed by technology/telecoms companies, then government/public services. There were zero defense contractor ads across the four stations from Audience C. The ads in these places reflect the communities they serve, not a concentrated effort to influence policymakers.
